Today, 11 January 2001, is the 186th birthday of Sir John A. Macdonald, Canada's first Prime Minister. To commemorate this occasion, as well as to acknowledge CBC's broadcast of its ambitious historical series, Canada: A People's History, I have decided to post the following essay originally written for the class History 154, taught by Professor Thomas Barnes at U.C. Berkeley in fall semster 1993. In a nutshell, the essay argued for the reasonable notion that the often forgotten role of Lord Durham contributed to the establishment of an united Dominion of Canada, as much as the well-documented subsequent efforts of that more famous and racist drunkard. The assignment for which this essay was written was not meant to be a thesis or research paper, but a casual and cursory opinion piece to be completed quickly. In other words, our instructor wanted us to record our immediate reactions to the texts that we were reading. As a result, the tone of the essay somewhat resembled by own casual speaking voice. This essay was written with the aid of: Upper Canada: The Formative Years 1784-1841 by Gerald M. Craig; The Penguin History of Canada by Kenneth McNaught; and Sir John A. Macdonald: The Man and the Politician by Donald Swainson.

ew historians can persuasively refute Sir John A. Macdonald's role as the principal political figure who engineered the formation of the united Dominion in 1867. However, Canadian Confederation would not have been possible without the influence of Lord Durham and his infamous Report of 1839. The latter not only provided specific recommendations which subsequently became the implemented basis of government framework in Canada (i.e., "responsible government"), but it also brought to the forefront fundamental issues which still resonate powerfully to this day. In addition to initiating the long process which eventually led to Confederation, Lord Durham's Report also insightfully examined the complex problem of the existence of a French society within an English one (and both being threatened by the overwhelming presence of the United States). Notwithstanding the fact that it contained several inaccuracies and flaws, the document was a pathology of Canadian ailments accompanied by prescriptions. Sir John A. Macdonald would later complete these prescriptions, creating a workable system which has lasted for 126 years. While near-mythic rebel figures like William Lyon Mackenzie, Louis Joseph Papineau, and the legendary Louis Riel might have led more exciting lives and raised more raucous, Durham and Macdonald contributed clear, reasoned, and distinct visions from which a nation would build upon.

n 1838, the British government of Prime Minister Lord Melbourne commissioned John George Lambton, first Earl of Durham, to become the autocratic Governor-in-Chief of Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, and even Newfoundland. A sense of urgency marked his appointment as Upper and Lower Canada were just recovering from two separate armed rebellions, one in each colony. Given more powers than any of his predecessors, Lord Durham had to reinstate firm control over these colonies after a period of long neglect. As a liberal-minded reformer known for his sense of diplomacy, he also had the responsibility of investigating the causes of the rebellions and recommending measures to end the disorder and discontent in the British North American colonies. Even though he spent only a few days in Canada (!), what he and his advisers issued had a more profound effect on the colony than any other previous document.

What caused the rebellions of 1837 was rather straightforward: oligarchical governments which blatantly did not address and reflect the views of their subjects. By 1838, the people of Upper and Lower Canada had outgrown their outdated governments which completely disregarded the interests of the majority. In Upper Canada, the subjects were dissatisfied with the conservative, Tory-dominated "Family Compact" oligarchy in which appointed British governors and their appointed cabinet members of the executive council could and did disregard the will of the weak elected legislative Assembly. The primary sources of discontent include: the Family Compact's rampant corruption of patronage, its control of extensive revenues which were beyond the reach of the legislature (i.e., the Compact could reward or punish almost all members of the civil or military service by controlling the funds of the colony); its control over Crown land reserves; its strong influence over the semi-public corporations like the Canada Company, the Bank of Upper Canada, and the Welland Canal Company; and especially the Compact's strong Anglican bias (particularly that of the intolerant Archdeacon John Strachan) against other religions in areas like educational infrastructure, notwithstanding the fact that most residents of Upper Canada belong to Methodist, Presbyterian, or other Protestant denominations.

The conditions which led to the rebellions in Lower Canada were similar to that of Upper Canada. The Compact even had a counterpart in Lower Canada in the form of the "Chateau Clique", which was not only decidedly conservative and Tory, but it was also dominated by English-speaking leaders with close ties to the English-controlled, Protestant-dominated, business community based in Montreal. The power structure of Lower Canada was essentially and completely alien to most of its French-speaking subjects. As a result, the rebellions in Lower Canada had the additional component of French-Canadian nationalism.

The grievances of the people of Canada were definitely strong and present, but the rebellions failed because Canadians, like good, orderly, peaceful, loyal subjects, would not entertain the notion of following radical and rabid leaders like Mackenzie and Papineau and taking up arms against the Crown. These rebels probably did more to discredit their reform causes than to further them. In fact, Mackenzie and Papineau did not have to initiate insurrections to make Canadians, a large portion of them reform-minded, realise that change was necessary and that something had to be done sooner or later. More responsible reform leaders like Methodist Egerton Ryerson and Robert Baldwin had already been clamouring for change for some time. Although the rebels did successfully awaken and provoke Her Majesty's Government, they did not leave a strong legacy which a nation could work upon or be inspired by. The rebellions just provided the signal for Whitehall to send the liberal and reform-minded Whig, "Radical Jack" Lambton, to British North America to tackle its problems.

Despite the inaccuracies and the gross generalisations of his Report, Lord Durham correctly identified that the actual root of all problems in Lower Canada was not the lack of a "responsible government" as it was in Upper Canada, but it was nascent French-Canadian nationalism. The French speaking population clearly resented the English domination in business and in government. Many Quebecers, like the patriote Papineau, also thought that the English power structure help perpetuate a reactionary status-quo which included the archaic seigniorial system and ironically, the Roman Catholic Church's overwhelming dominance in Quebec society. In Lord Durham's words, it was basically "a struggle, not of principles, but of races."

As the result, the two most crucial recommendations of the Report consisted of the political union of Upper and Lower Canada, and the establishment of an almost-autonomous "responsible government." Whitehall decided to promptly implement the former recommendation, but it rejected the latter. Although Lord Durham thought that it would have been even more effective if the Maritimes had been included, the 1840 Act of Union was intended to assimilate French-Canadians into English Canada and thereby eliminating the racial tensions which caused disorder in the colony. To ensure the loyalty of Lower Canada, Lord Durham wanted French-Canadians to basically become good, loyal, English-speaking, Anglican subjects. Condescendingly, he felt that Lower Canada was backward, priest-ridden, illiterate, and needed to be lifted by Protestant English Canada. As a result, his scheme included a legislature with equal representation from Lower Canada (now Canada East) and Canada West (which at that time had a smaller population), thereby ensuring an English-speaking majority and dominance in the government of the now United Province of Canada. His plan seemed sensible in theory, but it was bound to fail because he underestimated the scope of the problem.

From a totally strategic perspective (i.e., totally disregarding human rights, tolerance and decency in general), the daunting problems which the English government faced in 1839 could have been avoided if it had wholly eliminated French-speaking culture back in 1763 and assimilated the French-Canadians into the greater English-speaking British North American colonies. If the English had boldly asserted their dominance after their victory in the Plains of Abraham (e.g., not passing legislation like the Quebec Act), the present turmoil would not have been possible. When Lord Durham recommended assimilation in 1839, it was already too late. It might have worked in 1763, but definitely not now. By allowing French-Canadian culture to survive for a considerable period, the French-speaking population became significantly larger and more powerful than ever. French-speaking Canadians constituted a formidable and politically savvy bloc which eventually asserted itself in the parliament despite Lord Durham's efforts to reduce its power. Although it did not achieved its desired effect even with continued English immigration into Canada, the Province of Canada did move the British North American colonies closer toward eventual Confederation, and it also had the unintended effect of sustaining French-Canadian survival within British North America.

Ironically, the eventual implementation of "responsible government" also helped to preserve French-Canadian culture in the long-run since the formation of a cabinet government required the coalition support of both English and French Canada in order to function. The Baldwin-Lafontaine alliance and the subsequent Macdonald-Cartier alliance of the Confederation proved that Canada cannot be successfully governed without the French. Despite its almost-racist English and Anglican bias, Lord Durham's Report unintentionally created a distinctly Canadian political experiment of government which reflected a multi-cultural society.

Although Lord Durham suddenly resigned his post after a disagreement with London over his lenient treatment of participants of the rebellions, and then died prematurely shortly thereafter, most of his proposals eventually went into effect. Britain adopted his proposal of giving local governments more power and autonomy. His recommendation of installing a "responsible government," which was what reform leaders like Mackenzie and Robert Baldwin had been demanding for ages, also went into effect despite the previous rejection from Whitehall. It basically entailed the adoption of the newly evolved British parliamentary system for Canada: the appointed governor would work in complete cooperation with (actually be subordinate to) the executive council (i.e., the cabinet), which would reflect the will of the majority of the elected legislative assembly. The executive council's composition would have to receive the consent of the legislature in order to function. In other words, the governor of Canada, like the English monarch, would have limited powers, and the control of government would rest in the hands of the cabinet, led by a prime minister(s) (e.g., Baldwin and Lafontaine) who would able to count on the support of the legislature (i.e., the prime minister(s) would come from the parties in power in the legislature).

Leaders in Whitehall initially rejected "responsible government", but it slowly became a reality in Canada after the colonial secretary, Lord John Russell, instructed the first governor of the Union, Charles Poulett Thompson, Lord Sydenham, to choose his cabinet from those whose views would reflect the majority in the assembly. Democracy and de facto "responsible government" in Canada came during the administration of Sir Charles Bagot, who disregarded his superiors in Westminster, and appointed Baldwin and Lafontaine, who represented the reform majority in the assembly, to form a government. This system received official status when the Whigs returned to power in 1846. During that year, Lord Durham's brother-in-law, Lord Grey, became colonial secretary and granted full "responsible government" to Nova Scotia and Canada, now under the leadership of Lord Elgin, Lord Durham's son-in-law and the new Governor of British North America. The future Confederation's framework of government for both the federal and provincial levels was now firmly in place.

Lord Durham realised that "responsible government" was absolutely essential in retaining Canada's loyalty to the Crown. He noted that an autocratic and Anglican state would not have a good chance of survival when existing right next to an enormous, bustling, industrious, progressive, democratic republic right next door. Annexation into the States would not require American force when Canadians realised that they were living in a backward, underdeveloped colony controlled by despotic oligarches. "Responsible government" would allow Canadians to control their destiny and build their own nation which would stand on its own next to the United States. By retaining British control over their foreign policy and defenses (very important considering the threat posed by the ever-expansionist United States), Canadians were also creating a system of self government for former colonies in which cherished ties with the mother country would not be broken. The Canadian system paved the way for other British colonies to seek autonomy as Australia and New Zealand later did, and it was also the first step toward the British Commonwealth system.

he advent of "responsible government" and the creation of the Province of Canada in 1841 marked Canada's coming of age as a nascent nation and formally ended its role as a mere colony, but Confederation of 1867 signalled its emergence as a self-determined nation in its own right. More than any other individual, Sir John A. Macdonald acted as the principal architect of the British North American Confederacy. Although he differed in his vision for Canada from Lord Durham, Macdonald completed the process of nation-building which the latter started in 1839.

By 1867, Canada had once again outgrew its form of government. Canada West experienced significant population and economic growth since 1841, but its form of government became a strong source of discontent. Upper Canadians, which now number much more than Lower Canadians, demanded government reform because of the unequal representation in the legislative assembly. Demand for change intensified in the 1860s as Canada experienced a period of volatile economic climate and recession. (As expansionists, English Canada also wanted the northwest territories opened up for settlement, a concept obviously looked upon with suspicion by French-Canadians.) On the other hand, the French-Canadians wanted more control over their own affairs and stronger protection of their culture from English-Canada. According to French-Canadians, if the population of Canada West got its proportional representation, their own distinct society would be certainly be overwhelmed by English-Canada. They would oppose any measure which would increase the political power of the ever-growing English-Canada. As a result, the government of the united Province of Canada suffered chronic grid-lock. Confederation became the most touted solution since it would not only provide representation by population, but it would also protect French Canada under the federal system while strengthening British North America as a whole. Considering the ever-present threat posed by the hostile and expansionist United States, Macdonald thought that Canada's survival depended upon a strong union which would work cooperatively to further its development. This sentiment was strengthened by the Fenian Raids which stormed across the borders from the United States after the Civil War. These raids not only encouraged the growth of Canadian patriotism, but they also converted many British North American to support Confederation since the attacks convinced them the necessity of a large, strong, and unified nation firmly allied with Great Britain.

Sir John A. Macdonald became the main spokesman for Confederation partly for the purpose of political survival. As the leader of the Tories since 1856, he formed a lasting alliance with French-Canadian Tory George-Etienne Cartier that strengthened the support for the Conservative Party in Canada East. By the 1860s, grid-lock in government had rendered the 1841 system unworkable, and the Tories faced permanent defeat despite the alliance. Since the French-Canadians opposed representation-by-population, the Tories were in an extremely difficult position in Canada West where the movement, led by Liberal George Brown, was gaining momentum. The alliance with Canada East would be threatened if the Tories supported representation-by-population. Not wanting to be swept aside from the political arena (or even worse: a Liberal government under George Brown), Sir John A. opted for compromise and worked assiduously for the cause of Confederation.

Macdonald led the successful movement toward Confederation, and the 1864 planning conferences in Charlottetown and Quebec City and the 1865 Confederation Debates of the Canadian parliament all revolved around him. The abstract principles of confederacy agreed upon by the British North American colonies' delegates to Charlottetown conference were translated into concrete form by Macdonald during the Quebec conference. As the writer who drafted most of the Seventy-Two Resolutions of the final Quebec conference, Macdonald later eloquently argued for the formation of a federal system with a strong centralised government; the concept of excessive states' rights which led to the American Civil War would not be honoured in the Confederation. Each province of the Confederation would retain the "responsible" parliamentary system solidified during the Union period, and all provinces would be firmly under the control of the representation-by-population government in Ottawa. Passed by the legislatures of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Canada, the Resolutions became the basis of the British North America Act of 1867 which created the Dominion of Canada.

As Canada's first Prime Minister, Macdonald continued his efforts to strengthen Canada, and the nation grew in every respect. One of his first accomplishments included satisfying Ontario's demand for westward expansion by acquiring the northwest territories (i.e., the Prairies, most of what is now northern Ontario and Quebec, and Labrador) from the Hudson's Bay Company in 1869. (Canada would annex all of the Arctic archipelago which became part of the Northwest Territories by 1880.) Aided by his willingness to use force, Macdonald also presided over the annexation of Manitoba as a province in 1870. The Canadian empire then acquired the booming gold-rush colony of British Columbia in 1871 when the latter wanted a direct economic link in the form of a transcontinental railroad with the eastern portion of the continent. Since Britain was losing interest in providing the indebted colony's defense, the Canadians were willing to step in and build the railroad before the Americans did. The daunting task of building the railroad totally within Canadian territory was surprisingly completed ahead of schedule in 1885, opening up the West and initiating the Prairies' rapid growth as Canada's agricultural base. Since Canadian farmers in the West were encouraged to use CPR instead of rival American transcontinental railroads despite its high rates, the Canadian transcontinental railroad became a critical element which unified the new nation. Enforcement of law and order in the vast territories came in the form of the revered Royal North West Mounted Police (now RCMP), which was planned by Macdonald in 1873. Finally, Prince Edward Island also joined the Dominion in 1873. Within 6 years after Confederation, Canada grew from modest eastern confederacy to an enormous transcontinental empire which stretched from the Atlantic to the Pacific.

Despite setbacks which included the unfavourable Treaty of Washington, the CPR-related Pacific Scandal scandal which brought down his government in 1873, and the North West (Second Riel) Rebellion of 1885, Macdonald managed to stay in power until his death in 1891. During his second and lengthy tenure as Prime Minister (1878-1891), Macdonald continued working toward a strong and independent Canada. The centrepiece of his second administration was his National Policy programme, which was geared toward making "Canada for Canadians." It included high tariffs which would make foreign, particularly American, manufactured goods more expensive in Canada. As a form of economic nationalism, the "N.P." would make Canadian goods easier to compete in the home market, allow nascent Canadian industries to develop, and establish a manufacturing base to serve the expanding West. The programme also include the quick completion of the CPR, and the encouragement of massive immigration to the West which would provide markets for Canadian manufactured goods. Rapid completion of the railroad was critical since the Americans were already building the Great Northern, which might have dominated the Canadian markets. As the vital chain that binds the new nation together, the railroad would provide the transportation needed to ship western grain out to the eastern markets and manufactured goods to the West. This largely successful policy of protectionism favouring Canadian industries would survive long after Macdonald's death and well into the Liberal Wilfred Laurier years.

he Confederation's ties were tenuous geographically, politically, and culturally, but, Macdonald did everything he could to strengthen them. Ultimately, Macdonald's policies had an almost distinctly-Canadian accent to them since they were all driven by a fierce desire to retain the sovereignty of a fragile new nation sitting right next to an expansionist giant. Protectionism, economic nationalism, construction of transcontinental railroads, a distaste for excessive state's (provincial) rights, a strong central government, and the emphasis on "peace, order, and good government" were not only characteristics of Macdonald's policies, but they could also be found on the platforms of subsequent Canadian federal governments. Most of these themes and factors still resonate in Canada today.

As flawed and as biased as it was, Lord Durham's Report did manage to provide a clear and thoughtful guideline for Canadian development and government reforms until Confederation in 1867, and it also brought to the forefront for the first time important and still-relevant issues which included Quebec nationalism and Canada's delicate relation to the United States. Although the intentions of his recommendations were questionable, Lord Durham's contribution to the creation of the Dominion cannot be disregarded. Canadians today still strive for good, "responsible government" as a national ideal.

02 November 1993