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Michael
N. Escobar - IAS 102 - Oct. 15, 2004 - Annotated Bibliography
A.
Research Question:
I will be
studying in Santiago, Chile, in the Spring 2005 semester, thanks to the UC
Education Abroad Program. I want to take advantage of that opportunity to do field
research in support of a potential thesis which would address part of my chosen
concentration in the Latin American Studies major: human rights in the Andean
countries. Chile is a perfect example of the interdependence of three key
issues: human rights, economic development, and political stability. With a
long tradition of electoral democracy, and a vigorous civil society, the coup
of 1973 came as something of an aberration for Chile, and led to drastic
reforms which have had long-lasting consequences for the country and the
region.
I want to learn
more about the way the Catholic sector of civil society (the church hierarchy,
the lay brotherhoods and other social organizations) experienced the violence
of the Pinochet dictatorship. What impact did the 1973 regime change have on
the grass roots of these groups, and how did they adjust and regroup?
It is a
well-known case that in Brazil, the "base communities" set up by the church
evolved from being religious study groups, to lobbying for social services in
the urban slums, to being a linchpin of the democratization movement. This was
a time when the Church, at all levels, was very influenced by liberation
theology - a particularly Latin American school of thought (its birth generally
marked by the episcopal conference of Medellín, Colombia, in 1968).
Liberation theology has been criticized as a "Marxist reading of the gospels,"
but it is known to have had great influence in Latin America especially in the
1960s and 70s. For clarity's sake it should be explained that, essentially,
liberation theology argues that the kingdom of Christ is to be realized in
historical time, not at the ahistorical day of judgement, and that the Church
ought to orient itself with a "preferential option for the poor," that the poor
are Christ's chosen ones.
This theology
faced, in the Pinochet regime, a classic "bureaucratic authoritarian" state,
which did not hesitate to use violence to dismiss its opponents, as it
undertook a program of national restructuring designed to atomize society - to
liquidate civil society as such, to make people better fit with the modern
neoliberal economy, to attack social organizations and solidarity at all
levels. Ultimately, this is a paper about the effect of high-level political
change on grass-roots organizations, which stands to bear fruitful lessons for
students of world affairs today.
B.
Primary sources
1. Chile. Comisión Nacional de Verdad y
Reconciliación. Informe Rettig: informe de la Comisión
Nacional de Verdad y Reconciliación. 2 vols. Santiago, Chile: La
Nación: Ediciones del Ornitorrinco, 1991.
This is the
official Rettig Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which did
work similar to that done in Nicaragua and South Africa, after the dictatorship
ended. As an authoritative source of data on "what happened" under Pinochet,
this is a crucial piece of reference: no self-respecting paper could ignore it.
Nevertheless, it suffers from a liability to miss much depth: this commission
could only publish what evidence and testimony were brought before it, so those
persons still too intimidated to speak out would not have had their voices
heard. This is particularly salient because Pinochet became a senator-for-life
upon stepping down from the presidency, and in general the rule was impunity
for the victimizers. Democracy was bought at the price of accomodation with the
old agents of the dictatorship.
2. Catholic Church. Archdiocese of Santiago. Derechos
humanos en Chile: enero-diciembre 1986.
Santiago, Chile: Arzobispado de Santiago, 1988.
This is a contemporary report by the
Catholic Church itself on the human rights situation at the time. It consists
of testimony and research results by the Vicariate of Solidarity, which was the
main organ by which the Church performed humanitarian work for the victims of
the regime and pressed for respect of human rights and a return to democracy.
Flaws inherent in the work may derive from flaws in the organization which
created it: apparently some of the Chilean bishops saw the coup as inevitable
before it happened, and were more or less supportive of it. The Church had to
weigh how much to speak out against how much pressure it would be able to
withstand from the government - the Vicariate's predecessor, the Commission for
Peace in Chile, was ordered closed by Pinochet in 1975, two years after it had
been launched, because the government grew more bold in oppressing
church-sponsored groups.
3. Guarín Avellaneda, Graciela. Viví
en Chile bajo la dictadura de Pinochet.
Bogotá, Colombia: Cargraphics S.A., 2001.
This is a
historical novel by an author who fled Chile after the coup. It is a "novel of
testimony." Although a novelization, it may have worthwhile insight into the
situation through the eyes of someone who lived it, and thus be useful as
context.
4. Pinochet Ugarte, Augusto. Reflexiones en torno a una
visión política de Chile: clase magistral de S.E. el
presidente de la República, general de ejército don
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, con motivo de la inauguración del
año académico de la Universidad de Chile, 6 de abril de
1979. Santiago, Chile:
Editorial Universitaria, 1979.
This is the published version of a
"master class" given by the dictator himself, in 1979, to open the academic
year of the University of Chile: "reflections on a political vision of Chile."
These are the dictator's own words, while in power, about his vision of the
country. It will be necessary in
my paper to look at the goals and visions of all the various Catholic
organizations and contrast them with the plan of the regime; thus we will see
the ideological basis of the conflict which the dictatorship sought to win.
5. Wyman, Goldschmidt, ed. Los poetas y el general: voces
de oposición en Chile bajo Augusto Pinochet, 1973-1989. Santiago, Chile: LOM Ediciones, 2002.
This is a
collection of poetry written in Chile during the dictatorship. It is
specifically a collection of "voices of opposition" presumably of all stripes.
One of the things that happened during the dictatorship was the flowering of a
new development in popular music, the "nueva canción" (new song), protestive and youthful.
The ways in which the dictatorship has influenced the poets will be one way to
understand the research question of this paper - how political change affected
the grass roots.
C.
Secondary sources
1.
Aguilar, Mario I. "Cardinal Raul Silva Henríquez, the Catholic
Church, and the Pinochet Regime, 1973-1980: Public Responses to a National
Security State." The Catholic Historical Review 89, no. 4 (2003): 712.
The author
discusses Cardinal Henríquez - the cardinal of Chile at the time of
the coup - and tells a story of how he reacted to events. The author concludes
that the Cardinal "managed to engage the Catholic Church with public concerns
within a difficult political period in Chilean history" by supporting civil
society. His decision to do so was made easier by the influence of the recent,
reformative Second Vatican Council (1965) and the Latin American Bishops'
Conference of Medellín (1968).
As Dean of
Divinity at the University of St. Andrews, it may be surmised that author Dr.
Mario Aguilar would be naturally predisposed towards being sympathetic to his
subject, a churchman in a difficult time: he might be expected to paint things
in the best possible light, to cast his actions in the greatest degree of free
agency, to idealize the Cardinal.
2. Cancino Troncoso, Hugo. Chile, iglesia y dictadura
1973-1989: un estudio sobre el rol político de la iglesia
católica y el conflicto con el régimen militar. Odense, Denmark: Odense University
Press, 1997.
This book
narrates the responses of the bishops of Chile to the military regime's
policies. The author focuses on collecting official public statements by the
national conference of bishops; it is useful as a chronologue of the official
positions of the church over the period of the regime. He fails to analyze the
reactions elicited by these statements on the part of the lower ranks of the
Church, which is precisely the part of the church in which I am most
interested. According to this article, the Church hierarchy was more or less
unified, and my general knowledge tells me that this is not quite right - even
liberation theology was not universally accepted, and its adherents did not
support it to the same degree.
3. Cohen, Youssef. "Chile: The Authoritarian Transition
to Electoral Politics." In Authoritarian and Democratic Regimes in
Latin America, ed.
Russel H. Fitzgibbon, 395. New York: Garland Pub., 1994.
Chile is
interestingly different from Argentina and Brazil, the two other "Southern
Cone" countries which experienced dictatorship and democratization roughly
contemporaneously. Argentina's generals left power in disgrace after defeat in
the Falklands War; the Brazilian generals were forced out by a growing popular
movement led by the "new unions" of Lula da Silva (today's President). By
contrast, Pinochet stage-managed his exit, and to this day the country operates
under the 1980 constitution which he engineered. This is not to discount the
fact that he did indeed lose a contested plebiscite to continue the military
government in 1988. This article is helpful to understand how that transition
took place, which is necessary to understand how grassroots organizations
operated and how effective they were.
4. Doyle, Michael W., and Gary Selber. "The Evolution
of Chile: Prosperity for Some." In Today's Life Choices, 29 minutes. United
States: Films for the Humanities, 1998.
This brief
film traces Chile's trajectory from a "Marxist" state (that's a bit of a
stretch), to military dictatorship, to democracy. It focuses on economic reform
and the widening gap between rich and poor, exploring the moral implications.
Since liberation theology locates itself with the poor, to see the effects of
neoliberalism on the most vulnerable class of society is important for writing
this thesis. The film notes that "critics" have come to "question whether
democratic capitalism is the right solution". By posing the dicotomy in this
fashion it sets us up for a conclusion that democratic capitalism is probably
the least worst system, which is bias.
5. Fleet, Michael. The Catholic Church and Democracy in
Chile and Peru. A Title
from the Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies. Notre Dame,
Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997.
This is one of
many studies I will need to read in order to understand the past literature on
my subject. Chile and Peru are interesting comparative cases, because Chile
received a great deal of immigration from Europe in the late
19th century, as it industrialized, whereas
Perú has always had a large indigenous population, and has
experienced violence and friction between the dominant white or mestizo states
and the mestizo or indigenous masses.
6. Fruhling, Hugo. "Resistance to Fear in Chile: The
Experience of the Vicaría de la Solidaridad." In Fear at the
Edge: State Terror and Resistance in Latin America, ed. Juan E. Corradi, Patricia Weiss
Fagen, and Manuel Antonio Garreton, 301. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1992.
Specifically
focusing on the central human rights/humanitarian organization of the Church
during the Pinochet era, this chapter provides a concise description of the
activities and programs the Vicaría (Vicariate) undertook, and
analyzes the effects it had in terms of moderating the regime's repression, and
mitigating the effects of that repression on the citizenry in terms of reducing
levels of fear, which facilitated the growth of other opposition groups.
7. Hipsher, Patricia L. "Democratization and the Decline of
Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain." Comparative Politics 28, no. 3 (1996): 273-297.
One apparent
historical conundrum to be dealt with in talking about Chile is a decline in
activism and debate at the time when opportunities and avenues for the same are
being opened up. The article compares the ends of the Franco and Pinochet regimes,
discussing how the political climate in Spain and Chile at the time of writing
differs from the climate before the respective seizures of power. She concludes
that the end of authoritarianism leads to the demobilization of the movements
that opposed them, in general, and specifically that the leftist opposition in
Chile (and Spain) chose moderation so as to avoid "provoking" a right-wing
revanche. However, she fails to consider two things: for Spain, the general
rightward shift of European socialism in the 1980s (cf. François
Mittérand's privatizations); and for Chile, the end of the Cold War
and presumed triumph of the Washington Consensus in the 1990s (Chile having
been reformed, during the dictatorship, according to strictly orthodox neoliberal
lines).
8. Power, Margaret. Defending Dictatorship: Conservative
Women in Pinochet's Chile and the 1988 Plebiscite. Pittsburgh, PA: Latin American Studies
Association, 1998.
Ms. Power has
written several chapters, articles, and books on the subject of conservative
women in Latin America. The conservatism of women has been much analyzed by
scholars of Latin America; women cooperate in passing on the cult of
traditional femininity, as well as being entrusted with the keeping of
spirituality within the home, particular for Catholic families. It is true that
a significant portion of Chilean society, particularly the middle and wealthy
sectors, supported the coup at the time it happened. Ms. Power's study of the
women who stood by it in the difficult years afterwards will be important to
understand the back-and-forth dynamic between power and opposition.
9. Sigmund, Paul E. "Revolution, Counterrevolution, and the
Catholic Church in Chile." Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science 483
(1986): 25-35.
Written during
the dictatorship, the author chronicles the whole sweep of Chilean history and
how the Church fits into it, starting from the colonial period, when the Church
was quite definitely an arm of Spanish power. Starting in the 60s, when the
first center/center-left government was elected and pursued moderate land
reform, continuing with the Socialist Allende government, and up through the
Pinochet regime, all the revolutionary or counter-revolutionary governments
have sought legitimation or accomodation with the Church. To understand this
institutional role of kingmaker will help us to understand the decisions taken
by the Church elite, and better understand the actions of the rank and file.
10. Smith, Brian H. "Churches and Human Rights in Latin
America: Recent Trends in the Subcontinent." Journal of Interamerican
Studies and World Affairs
21, no. 1 (1979): 89-127.
This is a
scholarly work written just after the crest of dictatorial violence. NB the
Amnesty law passed in Chile in the 1980s gives carte-blanche pardon for all
crimes committed by the government up to 1976 - in a span of three years, many
sources estimate that at least 3,000 died. This is also the time of the
terrible civil wars in Central America and an amazingly destructive military
government in Argentina. In this context of suffering, Smith looks at the role
of the churches to protect human rights. In the case of Chile, divisions of
opinion within the Church, and between the Catholic, Protestant and Jewish communities,
weakened the responses that the faith-based communities could make in protest
of the State's policies. This will be an important nuance to consider in my
research: to keep in mind that the Catholic Church is far from monolithic.
11. Valenzuela, J. Samuel Valenzuela and Arturo, ed. Military
Rule in Chile: Dictatorship and Oppositions. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986.
Dictatorship and
oppositions: this
book examines the various movements that opposed the regime. It chronicles the
events leading up to and following the great protests of 1983 which
"reactivated" civil society, such as it was. At the time of writing the
plebiscite had not yet happened, so it will be useful to get into the mindset
of a contemporary scholarly observer. The interplay between the religious
groups, unions, political parties, and other organizations, will be necessary
to understand in order to evaluate the status of these religious bodies which
are my focus.
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